She Sat Beside Lincoln the Night He Died. Her Husband K…… Her for It.
She Sat Beside Lincoln the Night He Died. Her Husband K…… Her for It.
You know this story. April, 1865, a theater in Washington, Abraham Lincoln in a rocking chair watching a comedy on the first easy night the country had known in 4 years. There were four people in that box. You know two of their names. The other two were a young couple engaged to be married. By morning, her white dress was soaked through with blood, and it was not the president’s. It would take that blood 18 more years to kill her. Ladies and gentlemen, welcome. It is good to have you with us tonight. Their names were Clara Harris and Henry Rathbone. She was 30 years old, the daughter of a United States Senator, and she had grown up in the same house he had. He was an Army major, decorated, home from the war intact, and they had been engaged for years without ever quite naming a date. On the afternoon of Good Friday, 1865, they were invited to the theater. They were, by every measure, the least important people in that box. That is why history walks past them. Consider what the evening looked like from where they were sitting. A comedy, a full house, the war over, the president in a rocking chair a few feet away, laughing at lines he had probably heard before. Two young people engaged in the corner seats, the seats you give the couple who don’t matter. 9 hours later, one of them was dead, and the other one had begun a decline that would take 18 years to finish. The major gave a statement afterward as everyone in the theater was asked to do. It is a careful document. It is written by a man trying very hard to be useful. And in it, he set down the one measurement that would follow him the rest of his days. The time between the shot and the moment the assassin leaped from the box, he wrote, did not exceed 30 seconds. 30 seconds. He would spend the next 18 years inside them. And she would spend those same 18 years beside him. In the years that followed, her family would speak of a closet in the summer house near Albany that had been sealed shut with brick. Inside it hung something she could not bring herself to wash and could not bring herself to throw away. Tonight, we tell the story of Clara Harris.
Not the assassination. You have heard the assassination. What you have not heard is what that night did to the two people the history books walk past on their way to the president. Her story does not begin at Ford’s Theater. It begins 17 years earlier in a house in Albany when a widow married a widower. And their two children found themselves living under the same roof. The wedding took place in Albany on the 1st of August, 1848. Ira Harris was a judge, a widower, and the father of four. His wife, Louisa, had died 3 years earlier. Pauline Rathbone was the widow of the city’s first elected mayor, and she brought two sons with her. When the two households were folded into one, the arithmetic was simple, and the consequences were not. Six children, one roof. Among them, a girl of 13 named Clara and a boy of 11 named Henry. They were not related by blood. They shared no parent between them. But for the purposes of Albany society and for the purposes of the house they now lived in, they were brother and sister. We do not know when it stopped being that. Nobody wrote down the year or the room or the first time either of them noticed. What family accounts agree on is that it happened. And that when it did, their parents were not pleased. The engagement came anyway. And then it sat there. Consider what that meant in 1850’s Albany. An engagement was not a private understanding between two people. It was an announcement, a schedule, a set of expectations the whole street could recite. Most couples of their standing married inside a year. Henry, for reasons no letter of his ever explains, kept declining to name a date. She waited. In February of 1861, William Seward left the Senate to become Lincoln’s Secretary of State and the New York legislature sent Ira Harris to take his seat. The family packed and went south. They took a house at 15th and H Streets, just off Lafayette Square, a few minutes walk from the White House gates. Washington in that first year of the war was still a small town wearing a capital’s clothes. Cabinet members lived around the same square. Everyone dined at everyone else’s table. And the Harrises were absorbed into that world almost at once.
Pauline, Henry’s mother, Clara’s stepmother, became one of Mary Todd Lincoln’s closest friends. Close enough that at the second inaugural ball, by one account, the president gave up his own chair so that Pauline could sit nearer the First Lady. Clara’s friendship with Mrs. Lincoln grew alongside it. In a letter written in April of 1865, she described the shape their weeks had taken. She and the First Lady, she wrote, have been constantly in the habit of driving and going to the opera. It is an unremarkable sentence. That is what makes it worth hearing. A young woman describing an ordinary Tuesday. Henry went to war. He took a commission in the 12th United States Infantry and served through some of the worst of it. He came back decorated and by the standards of 1864, he came back whole. No missing limb, no visible wound. But something out there had ground him down and the men who examined him could see it. A physician who treated him would write to him afterward about these repeated attacks of a wasting and debilitating disease and about his fear that they had done permanent damage to Henry’s constitution. The man who walked into Ford’s Theater that April was not a healthy man about to be broken. He was already carrying something. Senator Harris did what fathers with connections do. He arranged a desk position for his stepson in the Provost Marshal’s office, safe work a few blocks from the family’s front door. Henry took it. 27 years old, receding auburn hair, heavy side whiskers, spending his days on paperwork within walking distance of the woman he had been engaged to for years and had still not married. Clara was 30 and entirely at ease in that city. A senator’s daughter who moved through the White House the way other women moved through a neighbor’s parlor. On the 11th of April, two days after Lee surrendered, Mrs. Lincoln sent word that Clara should come and hear the president speak. Washington was still lit up from the celebrations. Lincoln spoke that evening on reconstruction, on what the country would do now, and on which of the men it had just defeated might one day vote. People had come for triumph and were handed arithmetic. Somewhere in that crowd stood a 26-year-old actor. There is no reason to think Clara noticed him. There were thousands on that lawn, and he was one face among them, well dressed, listening hard. What he heard, he did not like. And by most accounts, it was that night he decided shooting the president was preferable to letting him finish the sentence. Clara went home afterward to the house at 15th and H. She had 3 days left of the life she had been living.
Three days later, on Good Friday morning, Mary Lincoln began organizing a small party for the theater that evening. General Grant and his wife were asked first. By that afternoon, the Linconls were still looking for someone to come with them. The Grants said no first. The general had accepted that morning, then changed his mind. There was a train to New Jersey, and there were children in school there. And by early afternoon, the acceptance had become a regret. The Stantons said no. Others were asked, others declined. It was Good Friday, the most solemn day in the Christian calendar, and it was not a day on which respectable Washington went to comedies. By late afternoon, the Lincolns had collected a string of refusals and no companions. So, a message went to the house at 15th and H. Clara said yes. There is no version of this story in which that decision looks like anything. A young woman is invited to the theater by a friend. She accepts. She sends word to her fiance working three blocks away in the Provost Marshal’s office. He accepts, too. Someone lays out a white satin dress. They arrived late. The performance had already begun, and it stopped when the presidential party appeared. The orchestra broke into Hail to the Chief, the house came to its feet, and the four of them took their places in the box above the stage. The seating tells you something about the evening they expected. Lincoln sat nearest the door in a cushioned rocking chair brought in for him. Mary sat at his right. Henry Rathbone took the walnut sofa on the far side of the box, the seat farthest from the door, with Clara beside him. That is where you put the young couple, out of the way. Let them have the corner. For the better part of 2 hours, nothing happened at all. Four people watched a mediocre English farce on the first easy night the country had known in 4 years. It was somewhere after 10:00 when the door behind the president opened. Henry did not see it open. What he saw afterward was smoke and a man in the box who had not been in the box a moment earlier. In the statement he gave under oath days later, he described what he did next in five words. I instantly sprang toward him and seized him. The man twisted free and brought up a knife. The blade came down through Henry’s raised arm from near the shoulder to the elbow and opened an artery. It cut, one surgeon would record, nearly to the bone. He grabbed for the man again as he went over the railing and got a handful of coat. Some accounts credit that grip with the broken leg the assassin carried out of Washington. Then Henry was leaning over the box, bleeding into the footlights, shouting the words a thousand people heard and nobody acted on. Stop that man. Will no one stop that man?
Clara, by several accounts, was shouting, too. She was shouting that the president had been shot into an audience that had decided this was part of the play. The door to the box had been wedged shut from the inside with a length of board. It took Henry, one-armed and losing blood, some time to work it free. When it gave, the doctors came through it. They went to Lincoln. Of course they did. Nobody went to Henry. Clara did. She was 30 years old and had never in her life seen a wound. And she got her hands on his arm and held it. And the white satin took the blood because it was the nearest thing. Then the president was carried across the street and the party followed. And in a narrow hallway of a boarding house on 10th Street, a young woman in a ruined dress sat down on the floor and put her fiance’s head in her lap. He drifted in and out. A surgeon finally looked at him, saw how deep the cut ran, and had him taken home. Clara did not go with him. She stayed. Mary Lincoln needed someone, and Clara Harris was what there was. She wrote about that night 11 days later in a letter to a friend. And the thing she chose to record was not the shot or the knife or the shouting. It was Mrs. Lincoln looking at her dress. Poor Mrs. Lincoln, she wrote, all through that dreadful night would look at me with horror and scream. And here, Clara set down the words the first lady kept crying out, the ones she could not stop repeating. Oh, my husband’s blood. My dear husband’s blood. Then Clara added, in the same sentence, the correction that no one else in the country could have made. It was not his blood. She had not known that at the time. The president’s wound had not bled outward at all. Every drop of it was Henry’s. At 22 minutes past 7:00 the next morning, Abraham Lincoln died in a room too small for the number of men standing in it. And the country began the long work of turning that night into history. Clara Harris was sent home in a carriage as the city woke up. She was still wearing the dress. And across town, a surgeon was closing an 11-in wound in the arm of a man who kept telling everyone in the room that he was perfectly all right. It was the first time he said it. It would not be the last.
The dress went north with her that summer. The Harrises kept a house at Loudonville, outside Albany, the kind of place families of that standing went to in July. Clara brought her things up from Washington, and among them was a folded weight of white satin gone stiff and brown at the sleeve and across the front. She could have burned it. Plenty of people that year burned things. She could have handed it to a servant to be washed, and the servant would have tried, and the stain would have lifted to a rust color and stayed there, and that would have been the end of it. She did neither. She hung it in a closet in her bedroom and shut the door. At some point in the following year or two, the family accounts do not fix the month, that closet was sealed. Not locked. Bricked. Masons came and laid up a wall where the door had been and plastered over it. And when they left, there was simply a stretch of blank wall in a bedroom in a summer house, and no way to tell that anything was behind it. There is a story attached to this, and you should hear it as a story. The neighbors said the house was haunted. They said Clara had woken one night, exactly a year on, to the sound of a man laughing somewhere in the dark, laughing the way a man laughs at a play he is enjoying. They said she recognized the laugh. They said that was why the bricks went up. That is what the neighbors said. It survived because it is a better explanation than the real one, and because Albany has enjoyed telling it for 160 years. The plainer possibility is this. She could not destroy the dress, and she could not look at it, and a wall solved both problems at once. While that wall was going up, the country was doing the same thing on a larger scale. The government took Ford’s Theater and shut it. The rocking chair went into a collection, so did the playbill, the door, the wedge of board, a pair of the president’s gloves. Those gloves are still on display today, and they carry a small dark stain, which curators now believe is almost certainly not Lincoln’s blood at all. It is most likely Henry’s, transferred from a hand or a sleeve in the confusion of that box. So, there it is, in a case in Washington, correctly lit and properly labeled, a relic of the wrong man. A nation preserves, a household seals up. They married on the 11th of July, 1867. They had been engaged for years, long enough that people had stopped asking.
When the date finally came, she was almost 33. And for a while, it worked. There is a photograph of that period in the mind, even if no camera took it. Loudonville in August, three children on the grass, Henry Riggs first, then Gerald, then a daughter they named Pauline. A woman on the porch with the letters she has been meaning to answer, and a man in his 30s out on the lawn with the boys, who could still, in those years, be persuaded to laugh. That is the picture. Hold on to it. It is the only one we get. He resigned his commission in December of 1870. He was 33 years old with a considerable inheritance behind him, and so, from that winter forward, he had no work to go to, no regiment, no office, and nothing in particular to fill a day with. He had money, a wife, three children, and time. That last one turned out to be the dangerous one. Every April, the letters came. Newspapers on both sides of the Atlantic ran their assassination anniversary pieces, and every editor eventually arrived at the same idea. There were four people in that box and two of them were still alive and reachable. Would the major describe the moment? Could he recall exactly what he saw? Did he believe in hindsight that anything might have been done differently? Some years he answered. Most years he did not. Clara wrote to a friend about what it was like to be looked at. In every hotel they stayed in, she said, As soon as people worked out who they were, we feel ourselves become objects of morbid scrutiny. Read that sentence again and notice who she is protecting. Not herself. She says, We. The eldest boy was old enough by then to notice things. He would have known the summer house better than anyone. Every stair that creaked, every door that stuck. And he would have known the wall in his mother’s bedroom. The flat stretch of plaster where the room’s proportions went wrong. The place where a closet ought to have been and wasn’t. He never asked. Children stop asking about the things adults refuse to explain twice. There is no record of Clara complaining. Not to her father, not to her sisters, not in any letter that survives. What the record shows instead is a woman answering correspondence, running two households, raising three children, and going out into rooms where people whispered. Beside a husband who was asked once a year to describe the worst 30 seconds of his life and who kept insisting to anyone who asked after him that he was perfectly all right. He said it for 13 years. By the end of them, there was almost nobody left who believed him.
They began to travel. Not the way wealthy Americans traveled in the 1870s, the grand tour, the letters home, the trunks of things bought in Paris. They traveled the way people travel when they are trying to get out from under something. England, France, Germany, long stays, then a move. Clara described one of the dining rooms in a letter. Two Americans eating quietly. At the other tables, people leaning toward one another and lowering their voices. She wrote that whenever they were in the dining room, they began to feel like animals in a zoo. And then, in the same breath, added the part that tells you where her attention actually was. Henry, she wrote, imagined that the whispering was more pointed and more malicious than it could possibly be. She was not describing her own humiliation. She was reporting a symptom. Here is what she was watching in the language of her century. Her husband was becoming nervous and dyspeptic and low. Here is what she was watching in ours. A veteran, decorated, physically intact, who had spent one night at the center of a violent event and had spent every year since replaying his own conduct in it. Who could not be persuaded that he had done enough. Who read the annual newspaper coverage as an accusation. Who had no work, no commanding officer, no chaplain, no fellow survivors, and no word for any of it. Because the word had not been invented. And would not be for another century. In 1881, someone shot President Garfield. The country went through it all again. The bulletins, the death watch, the black crepe. And in whatever room Henry Rathbone was sitting in when the news reached him, the thing he had been holding shut for 16 years came open. He got worse quickly after that. He complained of pains in his head. He accused Clara of things, of intending to leave him, of intending to take the children. Family who saw them said he had begun to speak of himself with a strange, cold detachment, as though describing a man he had read about. He told someone that he was afraid of himself. He did not like her to sit near a window. He did not like her to be alone in a room. The explanations he gave for this were never quite explanations. She stayed. Understand what leaving would have required of a woman in her position in 1881. Divorce meant scandal for her father’s name, which was still a name in New York. It meant losing custody of three children as a matter of ordinary law. It meant an admission in public that the man the newspapers called a hero every April was something else at home. It also meant abandoning him.
And whatever else the record shows, it shows a woman who did not abandon people. She had not left him bleeding on a hallway floor in 1865. She did not leave him now. So, instead, she managed him quietly, competently, and alone, the way women of that generation managed everything that could not be spoken about. In 1882, President Arthur appointed Henry Rathbone United States Consul to the province of Hanover. Read that again, knowing what the family knew. The appointment was a courtesy, a comfortable post for the wounded hero of Ford’s Theater, arranged through the connections a senator’s family still had. Nobody in Washington was assessing his fitness. Nobody asked his wife. And so, in the autumn of that year, Clara packed a household, three children aged 12, 11, and nine, and moved it 4,000 mi from everyone she had ever known to a city where she did not speak the language, to live alone with a man she had told at least one person she was frightened of. He deteriorated all through that year. In the last months, he was accusing her openly, and there had been talk in the family, from her side, of the children being sent home to America. Nothing was arranged. These things rarely are. The record of that autumn is thin. What survives is a household, a woman running a foreign house, three children in a strange school, a husband who no longer went out, and the ordinary machinery of a family that has stopped functioning, but has not yet stopped. In December, he bought a revolver. 18 years earlier, in a careful statement written by a man trying to be useful, Henry Rathbone had set down a measurement. The time between the shot and the moment the assassin jumped, he wrote, did not exceed 30 seconds. 30 seconds in a lifetime of 52 years. He had been inside them ever since. And he had never once been able to get himself into that box any faster.
They had been in the apartment in Hanover for 7 months. It was 2 days before Christmas. Whatever else was wrong in that apartment, there were three children in it under the age of 14, and it was the 23rd of December, and somewhere in those rooms, there would have been the ordinary preparations, the small secrets, the things bought and hidden. Clara’s sister Louise was staying with them. She had come out from America. That detail matters for a reason nobody intended. Almost everything we know about the next hour exists because Louise Harris was in the building, and because a German court later required her to describe what she had seen. It was still dark. Henry got up. He had been awake, or had not been asleep, and he came out into the hallway and started toward the room where the children were. Clara reached him first. We do not know what she said. There is no record of any words spoken in that hallway, and there never will be. We know only what she did, which is that she turned him around and walked with him back down the passage, away from the children’s door, and into the bedroom she shared with him. And then she closed the door behind them both. She had perhaps 3 seconds to decide in the dark, in a foreign country, with no help in the house except a sister and a nurse. She could have run. She could have called out for the servants and let it become whatever it became in the hallway, with the children waking and the doors opening. She did the other thing. She put herself and him behind a door on the far side of the apartment from her children, and she shut it. Every account of Clara Harris ever written treats her as the woman who was in the box at Ford’s Theatre. As though the defining act of her life were something that happened to her while she was sitting down. This was the defining act of her life. And she is alone for it. And it takes about a minute. And nobody sees it. Louise heard it. She ran. She could not get in. When the door was finally opened, Clara Harris was dying. And her husband had turned the same violence on himself. And had not managed it. Her sister would testify that Clara spoke once more. That she said of the man on the floor beside her. He has killed us both at last. Not he has killed me. Us. Both. As though she had always known they were going to go together. And had only ever been uncertain about the timing. And at last. 18 years of at last. She was 49 years old. The police came into an apartment full of blood and a man who would not stay still. He told them there had been people hiding behind the pictures on the walls. He said it more than once. He said that they had come out. And that they had done this. And that he had been trying to stop them. He was still in that room on that morning.
A man trying to stop somebody. They took him to the city hospital where he did not die. Wound after wound and he did not die. He would go on to live another 28 years. The American consul in the neighboring province sent a telegram to the American minister in Berlin on Christmas Day. A short document written in the flat diplomatic register of the period, saying only that a terrible tragedy had occurred in the American colony in Hanover. That a Colonel Rathbone, in a fit of insanity, had killed his wife and wounded himself. And that the wound was thought to be mortal. It was not mortal. Almost nothing in that telegram turned out to be correct. The three children were taken out of the apartment that morning by their uncle and put on a ship home. Henry Riggs Rathbone was 13. His brother was 12. His sister 10. They had gone to bed in Hanover as the children of a United States consul. They woke to a door they were not allowed through and a boat and an aunt and a country they had left a year earlier. Their mother was buried in a cemetery in Hanover. In a foreign city she had lived in for 7 months, 4,000 miles from Albany, in ground her children would never once visit. Their father was still alive in a hospital across town. Asking about people behind the pictures.
The trial was held in Hanover early in the new year. It did not last long. The court heard Louise Harris and heard the physicians and concluded what everyone in the room had concluded on the first morning. That the man in front of them had not been in possession of himself. He was found insane and committed to an asylum for the criminally insane at Hildesheim. He went in at 46. He came out at 74 in a coffin on the 14th of August, 1911. 28 years. Longer than he had lived in Albany. Longer than his marriage. Longer than the entire span between the night at Ford’s Theatre and the night in Hanover. The attendants who kept the records said that in his later years he did not always know what he had done and did not always remember that he had children. He was buried beside his wife. In America the children grew up. Their aunt Louise raised them. They did not as far as any record shows ever go back to Germany. Their father was not spoken of. And in 1910, the year before his father died, though there is no sign the son knew that, Henry Riggs Rathbone, now a man of 40, went out to the old house at Loudonville. He knew what was in the wall. He had known since he was a boy. He had the bricks taken down. The dress had been in there for something close to 44 years. It came out of the dark exactly as it had gone in. White satin gone the color of tea across the front and the sleeve still holding the shape of a woman who had been dead for 27 years. He carried it outside and burned it. He told people afterward that it was the cause of the family’s misfortune and that he wanted the thing gone. That is a strange sentence for a man to say about a piece of his mother’s clothing. It is also, if you think about it for a moment, the only sentence available to him. He could not burn the theater.
He could not burn 18 years or a hallway in Hanover or whatever it was that had gone wrong inside his father in a box above a stage. He could burn the dress. Satin burns quickly. It would have taken almost no time at all. And here is the part of the story that nobody designed. Henry Riggs Rathbone went into politics. He was elected to the United States House of Representatives from Illinois. He served there through the 1920s and in 1926 he introduced a bill. The bill authorized the government to purchase a large private collection of Lincoln relics and install it permanently in a building on 10th Street in Washington. That building was Ford’s Theater. The museum that stands there today, the one with the rocking chair and the playbill, and the door with the hole bored through it, and the pair of gloves with the stain on them that is almost certainly his father’s blood, exists in the form it does substantially because of the boy who woke up in Hanover on the 23rd of December, 1883. He spent one afternoon in 1910 destroying the last physical trace of what that room did to his family. He spent the rest of his life making sure the room itself would be kept forever. He died in 1928, two years after the bill passed, and did not live to see the museum open. In Hanover, the graves stayed where they were. German cemetery law permits a plot to be reclaimed if it has gone untended, and the rule is applied without sentiment. In 1952, a clerk worked down a ledger and came to two American names, one buried in 1883, one in 1911, and noted that nobody had come to either of them in 40 years. Their remains were disinterred. The ground was given to someone else. There is no headstone in Hanover now. There is no grave. There is nothing in Laurel Hill, no dress, no bricks, no wall. The house at 15th and H is gone. The white satin is ash somewhere in a garden in upstate New York, if it is anywhere. Everything she owned, everything she was buried in, everything that could be pointed at and called hers, all of it has been either burned by her own son or cleared away by a municipal clerk who had never heard of her. What is left is a letter in an archive in New York written 11 days after the worst night of her life, in which a 30-year-old woman patiently explains that the blood was not the president’s, and a sentence her sister repeated in a courtroom about a man who killed them both at last. She was in the room the night Abraham Lincoln died. She has no grave.